Roland Boer: We need to talk more about China’s socialist democracy

We are pleased to publish this original article by Roland Boer (Professor of Marxist Philosophy at Dalian University of Technology, China, and author of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics: A Guide for Foreigners (Springer, 2021)). The article provides the reader with a very valuable introduction to China’s socialist democratic system, a topic about which there is widespread ignorance in the West.

We need to talk more – much more – about China’s socialist democratic system. Why? There are many reasons, but the main reason is that we should not let the criticisms of China from the small number of “Western” countries set the agenda. So let me propose the following thesis: China’s socialist democratic system is already quite mature and superior to any other democratic system. Actually, this is not my proposition, but that of a host of Chinese specialists. They are very clear that China’s socialist democratic system is already showing its latent quality. Obviously, we need to know much more about how this system works and how it is constantly improving.

Before I proceed, let me ask you to put aside your preconceptions and assumptions concerning the meaning of “democracy.” If you come from one of the few “Western” countries, you will need – as Mao Zedong pointed out many years ago – to wash your brain of your assumptions concerning “democracy.” There is no such thing as “democracy” per se, but only historical forms of democracy. Of these, Western-style capitalist democracy – limited to periodic elections for candidates from a limited number of political parties – is only one form, and quite thin at that.

By contrast, socialist democracy, with now more than a century of development, is quite different and increasingly mature.

Overview

To begin with an overview: the system (制度zhidu) of socialist democracy in China has seven integrated structures or institutional forms (体制tizhi): electoral democracy; consultative democracy; grassroots democracy; minority nationalities policy; rule of law; human rights; and leadership of the Communist Party. Let me use a diagram to illustrate:

Obviously, I cannot deal with all of these components here, let alone the political theory that arises from the practice. I have written elsewhere on these matters in Socialism with Chinese Characteristics: A Guide for Foreigners (Springer 2021), I refer the reader to that work. It has copious references to Chinese language works. Here I would like to focus on electoral, consultative, and base-level (grassroots) democracy.

Electoral Democracy

In China, electoral democracy is practised mainly with regard to the people’s congresses. Given that China has stepped onto the centre of the world stage, there is increasing attention – albeit misguided in some parts – on the National People’s Congress (NPC) that meets once a year, usually in March or April. Thousands of elected delegates come to Beijing to make major decisions. Indeed, the NPC is the highest legislative authority in China, and for anything to become law it must be approved by the NPC.

However, the NPC is part of a much wider structure. There are five levels of such congresses, with the most basic level found in villages, minority nationality townships, and towns.

National People’s Congress (first met in September 1954)
Congresses in provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities directly administered by the central government
Congresses in sub-districts of larger cities and in autonomous prefectures
Congresses of cities not sub-divided, municipal districts, counties, and autonomous counties
Congresses in villages, minority nationality townships, and towns
Given that China has a population of 1.4 billion, this means that there are many, many people’s congresses across the country.

How do elections work? All of the congresses require delegates to be elected.

All very well, but do people vote? Every citizen over the age of 18 has the right to vote and there are strict regulations concerning the number of candidates and number of voters required for an election to be valid. Every citizen has the right to vote, and only when more than 50% of eligible voters in a district actually vote is an election valid. The candidate with the majority of votes is elected.

Who can stand for election? Any citizen may stand for election. Candidates can be nominated by all political parties and mass organisations. A candidate can also be nominated by ten eligible voters in direct elections and by ten delegates in indirect elections.

How many candidates stand for election? The basic rule is that the number of candidates must be more than the number of delegates to be elected. In direct elections, the number of candidates must be 30%-100% more than the number of delegates elected; in indirect elections, the excess of candidates to delegates elected must be 20%-50%.

Why do I distinguish between direct and indirect elections? Elections to the lowest two levels of the people’s congresses are direct, with local people voting for candidates. The next three levels are indirect, which simply means that delegates from the lower levels of people’s congresses can be elected to higher levels. Thus, by the time the 3,000 or so delegates prepare to go to Beijing for the NPC, there has already been an extraordinarily detailed process to elect them for this task.

Are candidates vetted? Of course, since you need experienced and quality people, with the necessary skills and abilities to make a real contribution to people’s well-being. That they should be supporters – albeit critical – of China’s socialist system goes without saying.

Can electoral democracy be improved? Unlike the few Western countries, which have stagnating and now fragmenting political systems, China’s electoral democracy is seen as a constant work in progress. When you immerse yourself in the immense amount of analysis and research in China, you will find many proposals, such as improving the system of elections to people’s congresses; ensuring the principle of the same vote in urban and rural areas; enhancing the ability of the standing committees of people’s congresses so as to undertake the work of the congresses when the latter are not meeting; further education as how the system works so that people can participate in a more informed manner; ensuring that all eligible voters can physically vote, including migrant workers from the countryside; and improved supervision of the organs of governance so as to eliminate bribery and ensure more efficient functionality.

One question remains: observers used to the antagonistic politics of Western countries – in which everything becomes a focus of political point-scoring (think of COVID-19) – struggle to understand how voting works in the NPC. Most resolutions are passed, usually with a huge majority. Is the NPC, then, simply a “rubber stamp” for the will of … (fill in the blank). Not at all, but in order to understand how this works, let us turn to consultative democracy.

Consultative Democracy

Let me begin this section with some history. While people’s congresses date back to the 1940s,[1] the reality and practice of consultative democracy is even older and more deep-rooted. The key is to be found in the “mass line (群众路线 qunzhong luxian),” which was developed in liberated Red Areas during the long revolutionary struggle. While we find early elaborations on the practice and theory of the mass line in the works of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Zhou Enlai and others, it was, of course, Mao who coined the slogan “from the masses, to the masses” – a practice that arose from concrete experiences of integrating the will of the non-Party masses with the policies of the CPC.

We need to understand the terminology used here. To begin with, the term “masses (群众 qunzhong)” is rich in its connotations: it designates the rural and urban workers who form the bedrock of the CPC. At the same time, the term “masses” overlaps significantly with with the term “people (人民 renmin).” In this light, expressions such as “the Party leads the people” or “taking the people as centre (以人民为中心yi renmin wei zhongxin)” also mean “the Party leads the masses” and “taking the masses as the centre.” Further, “mass organisations” play a crucial role in China’s political system. They are neither social organisations of the sort found in bourgeois civil society and in tension with the state, nor are they Communist Party organisations. Instead, mass organisations are distinct and have a “mass character (群众性 qunzhongxing),” with deep political roots and a long history. In short, they represent public concerns that are not directly connected with the structures of governance.

How does the mass line work? Let me quote the scholar Ma Yide (2017, 27): the mass line “is inclusive, as the opinions of the broad mobilised masses are listened to; it is guided by reason, as the views of the masses are studied and become the views of the central system; it achieves balance through reflection, as opinions are constantly tested through the actions of the masses; and it links consultation and decision-making, as the views of the masses are elevated into action.”

From this long history of practice, what is known as consultative democracy arose in the New China. Today it takes many forms, including:

1) Institutionalisation in the many levels of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conferences (CPPCC). The top-level CPPCC meets at the same time as the CPC, providing detailed advice and consultation concerning legislation to the many committees and delegates at the NPC.

2) The many levels of CPPCCs include delegates from all representative groups, including the eight other political parties, minority nationalities, religious bodies, mass organisations, and new social groups such as migrant workers. This is not to say delegates from these groups cannot be elected to the people’s congresses, for they are elected to those bodies as well.

3) The ever-expanding forms of consultation and feedback. These include the old-fashioned but irreplaceable practice of face to face discussion, but this is now supplemented by a plethora of on-line consultation and feedback, soliciting proposals, and much, much more. Here too can we find the myriad apps on mobile phones, which one can use for feedback and voicing opinion. With many decades of experience, Chinese people are well accustomed to such practices and are vocal indeed about all manner of issues.

4) Consultation is the standard practice in the multitude of meetings that take place, whether in mass and social organisations, multi-level people’s congresses, Party organisations at all levels (which are also concerned with Party building), rural and urban community self-government organisations, and migrant labourers from the countryside. This democratic practice has influenced the forms of urban and rural governance, policy agendas (from local budgets to the national five-year plans), the structure of direct elections at the grassroots level, and labour-management relations.

5) Base-level or grassroots democracy is also a form of consultative democracy, but I will discuss this practice in the next section.

So we have two substantial forms of democratic practice in China, each with a long history and – crucially – each engaged with and influencing one another. The way they work together has both deep cultural roots and a distinct Marxist emphasis, in which non-antagonistic contradictions are the key to socialist construction. But this is to stray into theory, so let me return to the question I raised at the close of the previous section: voting patterns in the NPC.

For those used to Western-style antagonistic politics, to “mud-slinging,” political point-scoring, and “parliamentary privilege” under which a politician is free from being prosecuted for defamation and slander, the practices in China may seem a little strange. The key lies in the dialectical interaction of both electoral and consultative democracy, in which they complement one another through their strengths and are able to resolve respective limitations.

For the NPC, by the time a piece of legislation comes up for a vote, it has undergone an extremely long and arduous process of deliberation and consultation. Multiple meetings – in the many bodies mentioned earlier – take place, feedback is sought, and differences in opinion are aired without holding back. Indeed, contrary arguments are encouraged and expected, with debate, revision, and further debate until a consensus is reached. Only then can the legislation arrive at the NPC for a vote.

Grassroots Democracy

A distinct type of consultative democracy is “base-level (基层jiceng)” democracy, or what is known in English as “grassroots democracy.” At one level, this type of democracy is the oldest type in human history. We may call it “base-level communism,” and it goes back – in different forms – for millennia. Friedrich Engels, for example, devoted considerable attention to old European practices, especially in Germany’s “Mark association (Markgenossenschaft).” And Marx found he had to respond to questions from Russian socialists already in the 1880s, since the latter were debating whether the Russian “village commune” could provide a path to communism without having to go through all of the stages of capitalist development.

At a more specific level, grassroots democracy has developed its own forms over many decades in China as part of its socialist democratic system. We find it emerging during the period of revolutionary struggle and in the political structures of the Red Areas, as well as the “small parliaments [小议会xiao yihui]” typical of rural areas and the mostly spontaneous urban committees in the 1950s. My interest here is in a new stage of developing grassroots democracy from the first decade of the new millennium. By now there are tens – if not hundreds – of thousands of local examples from which to draw insights. And if you dig into the analysis and research on the practices of grassroots democracy, you find an immense amount of material.

Many of these practices began with participatory budgeting, and then expanded into many other areas of local governance. We find in villages in remote mountainous areas, in the urban districts of major cities, and in many towns and smaller cities. Out of a very large number of examples, let us consider two examples, the first concerning participatory budgeting in Wuxi city, Jiangsu province, and the second from Dengzhou, a small county-level city in Henan province.

Wuxi, Jiangsu Province

The practice of participatory budgeting Wuxi dates from 2006 and is known as “sunshine finance (阳光财政yangguang caizheng).”[2] It signals an earlier stage in the long process of combating corruption among some city administrators, and was developed to include local people in the crucial matters pertaining to budgets and projects. The process in Wuxi can be divided into three stages.

Stage 1: This the stage of comprehensive consultation and is known as “projects recommended by the masses before the meeting.” Opinion and feedback is sought at all levels, making the most of community neighbourhood committees, residents’ groups, and residents themselves. Social media is also used to garner opinions and conduct surveys.

Stage 2: This is the decision stage and is known as “items decided by popular vote at the meeting.” The steps are as follows: a) selecting residents to participate in the meeting by drawing lots and selecting from previous representatives, with an emphasis on including common people and deputies of the local People’s Congress; b) calling a meeting, which begins with a detailed report, item by item, from the proposal developed in stage 1; c) extensive consultation, debate, and dialogue with people’s representatives, which includes explanations of any items the people do not understand or with which they are dissatisfied; d) a vote is undertaken by the residents’ representatives, with a focus on identifying priority expenditure items and those lower on the list of priorities.

Stage 3: The final stage is known as “follow-up supervision by the masses after the meeting,” and focuses on implementation. In this stage, project managers are required to keep the residents’ committee informed about each stage of the project, with regular onsite inspections. After completion, public representatives and experts make an evaluation on the project, and local residents can also provide feedback on the project performance to the local government. These assessments form part of the process for developing a new project.

Dengzhou, Henan Province

Dengzhou is a small county-level city that has a focus on primary industries. By now, the items subject to democratic deliberation in Dengzhou concern much more than budgets.[3] They run all the way from long-terms plans for rural construction to family planning and rural cooperative medical care. In these democratic activities, participants are elected in light of a reputation for honesty, fairness, and political consciousness. A quota applies, ensuring that representatives also come from new interest groups and emerging social organisations. Clearly, they are not “hand-picked” to give a prearranged result, and the approach is not tokenistic as one finds in Western systems in which bodies pretend to seek public opinion and then proceed as already decided. Instead, Chinese grassroots has substance and real representation.

Dengzhou’s approach is known as the “4+2” approach, which entails “four meetings and two public announcements.” In more detail:

First meeting: the local CPC branch engages in wide consultation and detailed investigations to make preliminary proposals.

Second meeting: the village’s “two committees” debate the CPC branch proposals.

Third meeting: all village CPC members meet to debate opinions from the village’s “two committees,” and engage in further gathering of public opinion.

Fourth meeting: the villagers’ representative meeting or villagers’ resolution meeting discusses and votes on proposals from the previous gathering.

First public announcement: resolutions from the villagers’ meeting are publicised for no less than seven days.

Second public announcement: results of implementation of the decisions are announced to villagers in good time.

Wuxi and Dengzhou are merely two examples out of thousands upon thousands of such practices. Importantly, they do not take a one-size-fits-all approach, but use the well-tried targeted approach. By this I mean that each practice of grassroots democracy arises from local concerns and realities. Constant analysis and proposals for improvement lead to refining the methods and indeed – as with Dengzhou – expanding them. The growing experience also ensures that participants become familiar with the practice and can participate more effectively.

Socialist Democracy in Practice

I have been able to write here only about electoral, consultative, and grassroots democracy in this piece, but I hope that it gives an insight into how extensive such practices are in China, and indeed how long a history lies behind them. To complete the picture, I would need to present material on rule of law (which has undergone significant further development in the last decade), socialist human rights (with a focus on socio-economic well-being), minority nationalities, and the way socialist democracy requires the leadership of the CPC and is indeed enhanced by such leadership.

But let me close by emphasising that socialist democracy in China is not seen as a given. They do not feel they have “arrived” at socialist democracy – unlike Western countries where their political systems have stagnated and are now atrophying. Instead, socialist democracy in China is a constant work in progress. Targeted practices, careful expansion, further education in socialist democracy, ensuring full representation from all groups, enhancing and encouraging participation – these and more are simply part of a constant process of reform and renewal.

Perhaps the reader can see now why I began with the observation – drawn from Chinese experts – that the latent superiority of socialist democracy is beginning to be realised in China. From my own observations on the ground, my sense is that socialist democracy has already achieved significant maturity. For my Chinese friends, colleagues, and comrades, it is still a work in progress.

References

Boer, Roland. 2021. Socialism with Chinese Characteristics: A Guide for Foreigners. Singapore: Springer, 2021.

Bu Wanhong. 2015. “论我国基层协商式治理探索的成就与经验———基于民主恳谈会与“四议两公开”工作法的分析” (On the Achievements and Experience of the Exploration of Grassroots Consultative Governance in China – An Analysis Based on the Democratic Forum and the Working Method of “Four Meetings and Two Public Announcements”). 河南大学学报（社会科学版）(Journal of Henan University (Social Sciences)) 2015 (9): 45-52.

Ma Yide. 2017. “The Role of Consultative Democracy under the Constitutional Framework and the Associated Rule of Law.” Social Sciences in China 38 (2): 21-38.

Mao Zedong. 1940. “On New Democracy (January, 1940).” In Selected Works of Mao Zedong, Volume 2: 339-84. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1965.

Shen Jianlin, and Tan Shizan, “参与式预算的中国实践、协商模式及其转型———基于协商民主的视角”. (Practice, Consultation, and Transformation of Participatory Budgeting in China – Based on the Perspective of Consultative Democracy). 湖北社会科学 (Hubei Social Sciences) 2016 (3): 23-26.

[1] The practice followed Mao’s instruction in 1940: “China may now adopt a system of people’s congresses, from the national people’s congress down to the provincial, county, district and township people’s congresses, with all levels electing their respective governmental bodies” (Mao 1940, , 352).

[2] I draw this example from Shen Jianlin and Tan Shizan (2016).

[3] The example of Dengzhou is drawn from Bu Wanhong (2015).

Video: China Mainland slaps punishment for diehard Taiwan secessionists in collusion with foreign forces 中國大陸嚴懲勾結外國勢力的頑固台獨分子

https://vimeo.com/645007498
https://youtu.be/YY_i1SIaKzs
https://www.facebook.com/100036400039778/posts/602051114351551/?d=n

On Friday, the Chinese mainland proclaimed specific measures to punish diehard secessionists from the island of Taiwan, including stopped them and their families from entering the mainland and the Hong Kong and Macao special administrative regions, and restricting their associated institutions from cooperating with organizations and individuals in the mainland for economic benefits, and they will be persecuted for life long for criminal liability.

Experts said the action is just the beginning to maintain secessionists accountable, and demonstrates that the complete reunification of the country is irresistible as the mainland is taking concrete measures on laws to remove obstacles. Those who attempt to split the island of Taiwan from the motherland would have no room to hide, and will face a life-long pursuit for their crimes.

Aside from entry ban, we would not allow the companies or paymasters of these diehard secessionists to profit from Chinese mainland, and will also take other measures to punish them, Zhu Fenglian, spokesperson of the Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council, told a press conference on Friday.

Su Tseng-chang, head of Taiwan’s executive body; Yu Shyi-kun, who is in charge of the local “legislature” in Taiwan; and Joseph Wu Jau-shieh, the island’s leader of external affairs.

People holding signs take part in a Stop Asian Hate rally in Chinatown of Chicago – Consulate General in Chicago urges US to protect Chinese citizens, slamming violence that killed a Chinese student by Global Times Nov 10 2021

China’s Consulate General in Chicago urged the US to take concrete measures to protect Chinese citizens. This comes after a 24-year-old Chinese student was killed in a violent attack and shooting in Chicago recently.

In a notice published on its official website on Thursday, the Consulate General strongly condemned the killing of innocent people and urged the US to investigate the matter and make any related information public as soon as possible.

The Consulate General also reminded Chinese citizens, including Chinese students, to pay close attention to the security situation in the place where they are living, pay attention to the safety warning information issued by the local government in time, avoid going to unsafe places, further raise the risk awareness, strengthen safety precautions, and ensure their own safety.

Surnamed Zheng, the recent graduate from the University of Chicago was killed among a series of violent attacks in Chicago on Tuesday, China Central Television (CCTV) reported.

Media reported that Zheng was robbed by an armed man, who shot Zheng in the chest and fled in a car. Three people including Zheng were killed and another five were injured in a series of shootings in Chicago on Tuesday.

The University of Chicago confirmed in a statement that the victim was a graduate of the university and said it would cooperate with the Chicago Police Department to investigate the case and strengthen security patrols on campus. The university also urged anyone with information about the case to report and help police catch the suspect.

China’s Consulate General in Los Angeles also made public a notice on Thursday, reminding Chinese citizens to understand and strengthen prevention of public security risks in the US, after a Chinese scholar visiting the US was robbed at gunpoint in Los Angeles’ Chinatown recently.

The Consulate General in LA said recently incidents of discrimination and violent crimes against Asian-Americans have been frequent, and Chinese citizens have been the main victims. The Consulate General has asked the police to step up patrols and security protection in Chinatown and other Chinese communities.

Blinken said will defend Taiwan just like Afghanistan (300,000 strong local defense forces collapsed in 7 days) 布林肯稱將像阿富汗一樣保衛台灣（7天30萬強大的地方防衛力量瓦解）

An American diplomat in Seoul has fled the scene after a suspected hit-and-run incident and is now hiding from the police at a US military base, South Korean law enforcement has complained.

Professor Kiji Noh: By art. 29 of the Vienna convention, a legitimate diplomat would be immune from prosecution, as would be a US soldier, but the failure to even stop and share information speaks volumes about the rogue state of mind of this US official.

Also, Why does the US still have a base in Seoul at Yongsan?

Yongsan Garrison in Seoul was the site of the 8th Army Garrison for decades. It is a huge compound, nearly the size of NY’s Central Park. Like NY’s central Park, it is smack in the center of the city of Seoul. Imagine if Central Park were not a municipal park, but a foreign military garrison off limits to the citizens, surrounded by barbed wire and armed guards, with an adjacent slum full of thousands of trafficked prostitutes serving the troops. That gives you a sense of the occupied colonial status of South Korea.

Yongsan Garrison was supposed to be returned to the Korean government by 2019. (This was because the US decided that its troops were vulnerable to a massive NK artillery attack). The Garrison was moved to Camp Humphreys, Pyeongtaek, about 40 miles further south. This was a castling maneuver, combined with the installation of THAAD missile batteries. The SK government paid 10 B for the construction of this new base for the Americans, which includes two golf courses, a water park (essential for any military installation), and 72,000 sq ft mall. It will house 45,000 troops and their dependents, occupying over 3000 acres. It is considered “the largest force projection platform in the pacific”, and has the busiest military airport in the world. Thousands of farmers were removed from their rice fields during the base expansion, over a brutal 10 year battle, in order to clear space for the base (a single golf course occupies the land that could produce rice to feed up to 10,000 people).

Lives and die in the United States! If the criminals don’t gets you. US Government will make sure you lives miserably everyday in the United States by promoting hatred against Chinese, Chinese Americans and China.

Xi to attend APEC leaders’ meeting, reflects China’s commitment to regional economic integration by GT staff reporters Nov 10 2021

Chinese President Xi Jinping will attend the 28th Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Economic Leaders’ Meeting in Beijing via video link on Friday and deliver an important speech, and will on Thursday attend the APEC CEO Summit through a prerecorded video and deliver a keynote speech, China’s Foreign Ministry announced on Wednesday.

Analysts said Xi’s virtual attendance at the two APEC events shows China values regional economic integration and is willing to play an active and leading role in facilitating the process to inject new vitality to post-virus economic recovery and trade liberalization in the Asia-Pacific region. It also comes on the heels of important junctions including China’s application to join the Comprehensive Progressive Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) earlier this year and ahead of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) being implemented next year.

While vaccine cooperation could be another highlight of the meeting, APEC will also provide a platform for member countries, such as China and New Zealand, to strengthen communication, increase consensus and promote mutual trust, according to analysts. And such closer ties are of vital importance to tackle mounting global challenges and uncertainties.

Xi’s attendance at Friday’s Economic Leaders’ Meeting is at the invitation of New Zealand Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern, Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying said.

China’s Vice Minister for Commerce and Deputy China International Trade Representative Wang Shouwen attended the 32th APEC Ministerial Meeting from Monday to Tuesday, according to a statement on the website of the Ministry of Commerce (MOFCOM).

The meeting, which discussed accelerating economic recovery through trade and economic technological cooperation, will prepare for the APEC Leaders’ Meeting on Friday, the statement said.

During the meeting, Wang highlighted China’s continuing efforts to open up the economy and reduce trade barriers. According to Wang, China’s average tariff has been reduced to 7.4 percent, significantly lower than other developing nations. And China has been slashing the negative list for foreign investment since 2017.

“China is willing to work with other members to implement APEC Putrajaya Vision 2040 after being approved by Chinese leaders, providing help to regional economic recovery,” Wang was quoted as saying in the statement.

Song Guoyou, deputy director of the Center for American Studies at Fudan University, told the Global Times on Tuesday that the Chinese top leadership attaches great importance to APEC and has never been absent from the regional cooperation mechanism, which underscores China’s firm commitment to promoting trade liberalization in the Asia-Pacific region.

According to Wang, China has applied to join CPTPP and the Digital Economy Partnership Agreement, and is willing to promote regional economic integration with other members to “accumulate favorable conditions for building Free Trade Area in the Asia-Pacific.”

“Beijing displayed great sincerity and willingness to make policy adjustments to speed up the process,” Song said.

The integration of the Asia-Pacific region, on the other hand, will also create better conditions to implement RCEP and CPTPP, Wang Yiwei, director of the institute of international affairs at the Renmin University of China, told the Global Times on Wednesday.

The APEC Leaders’ Summit will focus on the region’s economic recovery from the coronavirus pandemic, emphasizing supply chain support and decarbonizing economies, according to media reports.

On Friday, Xi had a phone conversation with Ardern of New Zealand. During the call, Xi said that China and New Zealand should safeguard and practice true multilateralism, and join hands to promote regional economic integration, the Xinhua News Agency reported.

Noting that the next year marks the 50th anniversary of their diplomatic relations, Xi said the two sides should summarize successful experiences, strengthen strategic communication, and not allow a cloud to block their views.

“The Leaders’ Summit is also a good opportunity for China and other APEC members to cement bilateral relations, especially for countries that take a neutral view toward China, support Chinese policies and are already on a trajectory of spiraling upward ties with China,” Song said.

While Australia has followed the US, igniting anti-China rhetoric over a range of issues from human rights to the Taiwan question, New Zealand has been acting more politically independent.

Last week, Ardern said during a TV interview that New Zealand has “mature” ties with China that allow for disagreements, and the country will pursue a policy of integrity with China.

According to the APEC Regional Trends Analysis issued on Monday, the economy of the APEC region is expected to grow by 6 percent in 2021 and will settle at 4.9 percent in 2022 in anticipation of the unwinding of fiscal and monetary support measures.

https://youtu.be/gsGpOuRCvvM

Chinese President Xi Jinping delivers a keynote speech at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) CEO Summit via video, in Beijing, capital of China, November 11, 2021.

Pursuing sustainable development in a concerted effort to build an Asia-Pacific community with a shared future

Keynote Speech by H.E. Xi Jinping
President of the People’s Republic of China At the APEC CEO Summit

11 November 2021

Leaders of the Business Community,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Dear Friends,

I am very glad to meet you again. At present, COVID-19 is still ravaging the world, and the journey to global economic recovery remains a difficult and tortuous one. The Asia-Pacific has all along been an important engine driving the global economy. Indeed, it is among the first to regain the momentum of recovery in this crisis. At this historical juncture, it is important that we in the Asia-Pacific face up to the responsibility of the times, be in the driver’s seat, and strive hard to meet the goal of building an Asia-Pacific community with a shared future.

First, we need to make all-out efforts to fight COVID-19. To emerge from the shadow of the pandemic and achieve steady economic recovery at an early date is the most pressing task for us in the Asia-Pacific. At this trying time, it is all the more important that we should stay confident, keep a steady hand on the tiller, and forge ahead with determination. Over the past decades, we in the Asia-Pacific have been able to make advances by overcoming crises and achieve success by meeting challenges. In the face of this once-in-a-century test that is crucial to the future of humanity, we the Asia-Pacific economies as well as various sectors should put our people and their lives first, follow the guidance of science, pull together with solidarity, extend assistance to each other, and fight to beat the pandemic.

We should support each other in fighting COVID-19 and step up cooperation in areas such as testing methods, treatment medicine and the research, development, production and mutual recognition of vaccines to truly create synergy against COVID-19. We should translate the consensus that vaccines are a global public good into concrete actions, ensure their fair and equitable distribution as well as their accessibility and affordability in developing countries, and thus work together to close the immunization gap.

Second, we need to uphold openness and cooperation. Openness is the sure way for realizing human prosperity and progress. Over the past 30-plus years, thanks to our concerted efforts such as the adoption of the Bogor Goals and the Putrajaya Vision as well as macroeconomic policy coordination and the building of high-standard free trade areas, we in the Asia-Pacific have succeeded in sustaining fast development for a fairly long period of time. Ultimately, this has become possible because we have endeavored to create an open economic architecture and forge an Asia-Pacific partnership based on mutual trust, inclusiveness and win-win cooperation.

No matter how global developments may evolve, the Asia-Pacific economy will keep its strengths of being resilient and robust. We should all be broad-minded, follow the underlying trend of the times and proactively expand opening-up. We should advance trade and investment liberalization and facilitation, keep industrial and supply chains stable and functioning, and promote the orderly flow of resources and inputs to boost economic recovery and achieve interconnected development. We should be forward-looking, move ahead and reject practices of discrimination and exclusion of others. Attempts to draw ideological lines or form small circles on geopolitical grounds are bound to fail. The Asia-Pacific region cannot and should not relapse into the confrontation and division of the Cold War era.

Third, we need to promote green transition. A sound eco-environment is the most basic public good that benefits all. We in the Asia-Pacific should make its post-pandemic recovery a green one and take the lead in making a science-based response to climate change. We need to follow the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and deliver on what was agreed upon in the Paris Agreement on climate change and at the 15th Meeting of the Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity. Developed economies should act on a sense of being in the same community with other economies, provide developing economies with funding and technological support and help them enhance their capacity to conduct environmental governance. Working together, all of us can embark on a path of green, low-carbon and sustainable development.

Green and low-carbon transition is a systemic project that must be pursued across the board and in a coordinated way. In the Asia-Pacific, over 100 million people still live in abject poverty. Some economies are still plagued by inadequate infrastructure development, education and health care, and they are weak in food security and energy supply. Without development, it will be impossible to pool the economic strength necessary for achieving green transition. Neglecting people’s livelihood means loss of social support for pursuing green transition. We need to gain an accurate understanding of what sustainable development means, put the people first, and strike a balance between economic growth, ensuring people’s well-being, and energy conservation and emissions reduction. This will enable us to catalyze green transition in the course of economic development and achieve greater development through green transition.

Fourth, we need to actively promote innovation. Innovation is an important force driving human progress. I have often stressed that a country or region cannot prosper without innovation or even with slow innovation. The Asia-Pacific has distinctive intellectual resources and a long tradition of innovation. Having created many new technologies, new industries and new mechanisms, this region of ours has always been a global pacesetter of innovation-driven development. Today, a new round of technological revolution and industrial transformation is well underway, and information technology, biotechnology and manufacturing technology are developing rapidly. This has positioned us well to promote economic growth and respond to challenges such as major diseases, climate change and natural disasters.

We need to speed up scientific and technological innovation and institutional innovation, promote the commercialization of scientific and technological advances, and foster new drivers of growth so that innovation will boost both economic development and green transition. We need to scale up cooperation between member economies of the Asia-Pacific on scientific and technological innovation, and foster an open, fair, equitable and non-discriminatory environment for the development of science and technology. The business community, standing at the forefront of scientific and technological innovation, should strive to be a major force of increasing input in research and development and applying research outcomes.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
Friends,

Over the years, China’s economic development has been an integral part of the Asia-Pacific cooperation process. China has attained the goal of fully building a moderately prosperous society within the set time frame, secured a historic success in eradicating absolute poverty, and embarked on a new journey toward fully building itself into a modern socialist country. This will create greater opportunities for our region.

— China will remain firm in advancing reform and opening-up so as to add impetus to economic development in the Asia-Pacific. China is committed to building a high-standard market system and will work to make new progress in reforming important areas and key links. China will pursue high-standard institutional opening-up, continue to improve its business environment, and promote innovation-driven development of pilot free trade zones. China has ratified the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), and it has applied for joining the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP). In the course of RCEP implementation and CPTPP negotiation, China will continue to shorten the negative list on foreign investment, promote all-round opening-up of its agricultural and manufacturing sectors, expand the opening of the service sector, and treat domestic and foreign businesses as equals in accordance with law.

As a Chinese saying goes, “To get things right at the end, one needs to lay a sound foundation; to achieve a good result, one needs to be prudent from the start.” Recently, the competent Chinese government departments are improving and better enforcing anti-monopoly laws and regulations, and strengthening regulation over some sectors. This is called for to promote the sound development of the market economy in China. As a matter of fact, it is also a common practice in other countries. We will unswervingly consolidate and develop the public sector, and unswervingly encourage, support and guide the development of the non-public sector. We treat all types of market entities on an equal basis, and we are working to develop a unified, open, competitive and orderly market system. This will enable us to cement the foundation for long-term development of the Chinese economy and better support businesses from both the Asia-Pacific and the wider world in investing and operating in China.

— China will advance green transition on all fronts and make its due contribution to boosting ecological conservation in the Asia-Pacific and beyond. For many years, I used to live in a small village on the Loess Plateau, at a time when its eco-environment was undermined and its people were poverty-stricken. It had come to me that harms done to nature will eventually harm ourselves. China will actively promote ecological conservation. To us, lucid waters and lush mountains are invaluable assets. We will intensify comprehensive efforts to stem soil erosion and win the critical battle of pollution prevention and control. China will fully implement its national strategy on climate change response. Since I announced the goals of carbon peak and carbon neutrality last year, China has formulated an Action Plan for Carbon Dioxide Peaking Before 2030, and moved faster to put in place a “1+N” policy framework. Here, “1” stands for the guiding principle and top-level design for carbon peak and carbon neutrality, and “N” refers to implementation plans for key areas and industries, including the action for green energy transition, the action for peaking carbon dioxide emissions in the industrial sector, the action for promoting green and low-carbon transportation, and the action for promoting circular economy for decarbonization purposes. China will strike a balance between low-carbon transition and ensuring the living needs of its people, and between development and carbon reduction, and will achieve carbon peak and carbon neutrality within the time frame we set.

China’s carbon reduction action is a profound economic and social transformation. However formidable the task may be, we will work tirelessly to make our contribution to promoting global green transition. Our carbon reduction action will also require massive investment, thus creating huge market opportunities and room for cooperation. The business communities across the Asia-Pacific are warmly welcome to join us in this endeavor. Together, we can usher in a future of green development.

— China will stay committed to promoting win-win cooperation and contribute to the economic development of the Asia-Pacific. China has all along been actively involved in regional cooperation in the Asia-Pacific, and it has endeavored to advance openness and cooperation in the region. China will continue to practice true multilateralism, uphold the WTO-centered multilateral trading system, take an active part in global economic governance and promote the building of an open world economy. China will steadfastly advance high-quality Belt and Road cooperation, facilitate connectivity in the Asia-Pacific, ensure stable and smooth functioning of industrial and supply chains in the region, and deepen cooperation with all stakeholders in such areas as e-commerce and digital logistics. With these efforts, we can inject impetus into economic recovery and sustainable development in our region.

At this year’s United Nations General Assembly, I proposed a Global Development Initiative, calling for meeting the development needs of developing countries, ensuring their development opportunities and thus achieving a more robust, greener and more balanced global development. China will continue playing its role as a responsible major country. It will promote closer cooperation in areas such as global poverty reduction, food security and development financing, and earnestly implement the UN 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, thus building a global community of development with a shared future.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
Friends,

Over the years, as business leaders, you have witnessed and participated in China’s development. I hope that you will continue to take a keen interest in and support China’s development, and achieve win-win in our cooperation. Working together, let us all be promoters of and contributors to unity and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific family.

Thank you all.

Horace Lim: Fantasy transit maps: World’s centre of technology, Silicon Valley is the wealthiest part of USA, yet a public transport train system to improve the lives of citizens which makes perfect sense (is still) just a fantasy.

But spending 20 years in Afghanistan blowing shit up & killing brown bearded barbarians at a cost of several trillion is no problem? It’s ALL about how Government chooses to spend money & the lobbying power of the Military Industrial Complex.

China’s belts and roads is building bridges for the human race. US’s belts and roads is to dismantle bridges built by China for self interest only to benefit 1% of American elite and military establishments complex.