We all remembered when the rioters trashed and destroyed Hong Kong Legislative Council Building in June 2019 and fires set by NED paid rioters throughout HK, US House Speaker Nancy Palosi said “What a beautiful sight to endure for freedom, democracy and human rights”. But when the rioters attacked US Capitol Building for freedom, democracy and human rights on January 6 2021, a different standards applied and people got prosecuted. No one could imagine Karma hits home so quickly. 沒有人想到報應來得那麼快.
The Washington Post: Putin questions U.S. prosecution of Capitol rioters, saying mob carried only ‘political requests’ by Isabelle Khurshudyan
ST. PETERSBURG —Less than two weeks from a first face-to-face with President Biden in Geneva, Russian President Vladimir Putin on Friday criticized the U.S. prosecution of rioters who took part in the January attack on the Capitol, calling it an example of American “double standards.”
Vladimir Putin wearing a suit and tie: Russian President Vladimir Putin attends a session of the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum in Saint Petersburg on June 4, 2021.
The comments are likely to add to the pessimism in both Moscow and Washington that the June 16 summit will lead to a breakthrough between the two countries. Relations remain deeply strained over issues such as cyberattacks that Western intelligence says originate in Russia.
Meanwhile, Putin on Friday claimed that the United States wants to “suppress” Russia.
He suggested the agenda for the summit with Biden could cover issues of potential common ground, such as climate, the pandemic, disarmament and combating terrorism.
That differed from Biden’s preview of the summit last week, when he said he would press Putin on human rights abuses such as Russia’s treatment of jailed opposition leader Alexei Navalny. In response, the Kremlin has attempted to draw an equivalency to the U.S. treatment of the Capitol rioters. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov called it a “persecution” earlier this week.
“These are not looters or thieves, these people came with political requests,” Putin said of the pro-Trump mobs that stormed the Capitol on Jan. 6.
The moderator at the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum then asked Putin to clarify if he was defending the rioters, adding in a joking tone that the comments could lead to Putin “being banned online.”
“I’m not giving any evaluations to the actual event. I’m talking about what followed after,” he said, adding that he does “not give a damn” if he is banned from social media sites.
Applause from the crowd followed.
[Biden plans to hammer Putin over ransomware attacks] About 500 people have been charged in the investigation into the Capitol riot for offenses such as assaulting police officers, violent entry to Congress and disorderly conduct.
In a separate interview with state television after his session at the St. Petersburg conference, Putin called Biden “a very experienced man. He has been in politics all his life. He is experienced, I hope, and very sensible and careful as a person.”
“I very much hope that our meeting will be positive,” Putin added. “I don’t expect any breakthrough in Russian-U. S. relations, anything that could amaze us all with its results.”
One subject that could come up between the leaders is Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko after Putin did nothing to break ranks with his strongman ally.
Lukashenko last month sparked international outrage for forcing down a civilian jetliner flying over Belarus last month to arrest an opposition journalist, Roman Protasevich, who was on board. Also arrested was Russian activist Sofia Sapega, who was traveling with Protasevich on the flight from Athens to Vilnius, Lithuania.
Lukashenko has claimed that Belarus air traffic controllers diverted the plane because of a emailed bomb threat purporting to be from the Palestinian militant group Hamas. The email, however, appeared to be sent after the plane was diverted, according to the email service provider. Hamas also denied issuing any bomb threat.
[Detained Belarus opposition journalist breaks down in state TV interview, renewing claims of coercion.] Asked if he believed Lukashenko’s explanation, Putin said, “Honestly, I don’t know.” He added that he preferred not to give an opinion, but Russian special services did not play a part.
The moderator then posed a hypothetical: “Would Russia force down a plane flying, for example, from London to Thailand over Russia if there was someone on board on Russia’s wanted list?”
“I won’t tell you,” Putin answered, drawing laughter and applause from the crowd.
Meanwhile, the Kremlin’s crackdown on its critics has continued.
Earlier this week, Russian authorities detained opposition politicians Dmitry Gudkov, a former parliamentarian who has been critical of Putin, and Andrei Pivovarov, director of Open Russia, a now defunct opposition group linked to exiled businessman Mikhail Khodorkovsky.
Navalny marked his 45th birthday on Friday, while serving a more-than two-year prison sentence on charges international observers and his allies have said were fabricated as a way to silence him.
Putin avoided referencing the United States for the majority of his session, a rare in-person appearance by him since the start of the coronavirus pandemic. He instead boasted that the first line of Russia’s controversial Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline — linking Russia and Germany — was completed just hours earlier.
The multibillion-dollar pipeline has been a point of contention between the United States and Russia. Putin said the second line of pipes will be finished within a couple of months.
The Biden administration last month eased sanctions on the pipeline, billed as an effort by Washington to mend relations with Berlin and other European partners. It was criticized by some Republican U.S. senators as allowing Russia to use Nord Stream 2 to increase some European Union states’ dependency on Moscow. The United States is an exporter of natural gas to Europe, but Russian gas is cheaper.
“I think it should go ahead especially now that the new U.S. administration said it wants to build friendly relations with its partners in Europe,” Putin said at the St. Petersburg forum. “How can you build good relations with your partners and completely disregard their interests?”
Nury Vittachi: How NOT to talk to mainland Chinese friends about June 4 . DO NOT SAY: “So your government gunned down all these poor students who were in Tiananmen Square pleading for freedom and democracy; the young people were so brave, one guy stood in front of a tank, but tens of thousands were massacred.” . Instead, if your Chinese friend is interested, you can suggest he or she read some books and papers on the subject: there are some good ones available, and there’s a list at the end of this piece. . LAZY JOURNALISM What happened in Beijing on June 4, 1989 is too important to mess up with half-truths and lazy journalism. . As a Hong Konger, I strongly believe in the annual remembrance of the dead on the anniversary, but we are probably all aware that there have always been two starkly different versions of the story of what happened in the early hours of that day. . In the Western version of events, the students were gunned down in a hail of machine gun fire (Wen Wei Po) leaving “tens of thousands” dead (NBC news). . The official Chinese version of events (when they can be pushed to speak about it) says student protests triggered civil unrest in Beijing and elsewhere. Fighting broke out in the city and several hundred people did lose their lives, but no one died in Tiananmen Square. . MOVING TOGETHER Good news: For those of us who still read books and papers, we can see that today, 30 years later, the two versions have been moving steadily together, thanks to the work of writers and reporters who set their prejudices aside to review and compare eyewitness accounts. . It is this writer’s hope that an issue that has divided east and west will one day be a shared story of lost people who can be commemorated by both sides. . 10 THINGS TO TALK THOUGHTFULLY ABOUT . People who have studied what actually did happen have a more nuanced understanding of the events of that tragic night. Here are 10 suggestions about things to think about when talking about it. . 1) DON’T SAY that the student demonstrations were a call for freedom. . You see that written everywhere, but scholars agree that the students were complaining about the widespread corruption that they saw as preventing the achievement of what they wanted: a fair and just communist society. The students were fiercely patriotic and proud of China and its socialist stance. They wanted their protest to echo a historical event – the 1919 May 4 student protests against imperialism. . 2) DON’T SAY that the protests were a call for democracy. . In truth, they were calling for reform within communism. It was only when students noticed that international reporters would race to photograph placards with English words such as “liberty” that democracy was elevated to a major theme. Work began on the “goddess of democracy” statue on May 27, just days before the end of the six-week protest. The sculptors modelled it on the work of Russian revolutionary communist sculptor Vera Mukhina. . 3) DON’T SAY that as armoured vehicles tried to get to the square to clear it on June 4, one brave man stood in front of them, temporarily blocking a line of tanks. . The famous “tank man” video was filmed by AP’s Jeff Widener one day later, on June 5, and shows a line of vehicles leaving the square, not entering. These facts do not take anything away from the courage of his act—but it does remove it from the mythology of that night. . 4) DON’T SAY that soldiers arrived with machine guns and started firing indiscriminately, mowing down hundreds of students. . The majority of soldiers who arrived to clear the square were unarmed. The story of “machine gunners” slaughtering students comes from an anonymous article printed in Hong Kong’s Wen Wei Po—an account disavowed by all witnesses. Separately, the student leader who claimed to have seen 200 students mown down was Wu’er Kaixi. He was disgraced after his fellow student protesters jointly confirmed that he had left the square early, many hours before the events he claimed to have personally witnessed. . 5) DON’T SAY that Tiananmen Square was the site of the massacre. . In 2011, Wikileaks revealed classified cables in which US diplomats recorded an interview with a Chilean eyewitness, and noted how it matched Chinese accounts, not Western journalistic ones, which tended to echo the Wen Wei Po and Wu’er Kaixi accounts. . The US diplomat said: “He watched the military enter the square and did not observe any mass firing of weapons into the crowds, although sporadic gunfire was heard. He said that most of the troops which entered the square were actually armed only with anti-riot gear – truncheons and wooden clubs; they were backed up by armed soldiers.” (Witnesses later said the gunshots heard were from soldiers shooting out the students’ speaker equipment.) . A protest leader, Liu Xiaobo, urged the students to depart the square. The witness, a Chilean diplomat, said: “Once agreement was reached for the students to withdraw, linking hands to form a column, the students left the square through the south east corner.” They were gone by 5.45 am. . 6) DON’T FORGET that the real tragedy took place elsewhere in Beijing. . Where did the slaughter take place? The most violent fighting was between workers groups (adults, not students) and soldiers in the West of the city. (About two weeks earlier, Ni Zhifu, chairman of China’s labour unions, had threatened to “cripple” China with a general workers’ strike.) . Most of the photographs and footage of dead bodies and crushed bicycles were taken from a massive and bloody fight that took place in an area called Mixudi, several kilometers away from Tiananmen Square. . In 2009, James Miles, who was the BBC correspondent in Beijing at the time, admitted that he had “conveyed the wrong impression” and that “there was no massacre on Tiananmen Square. Protesters who were still in the square when the army reached it were allowed to leave after negotiations with martial law troops… There was no Tiananmen Square massacre, but there was a Beijing massacre.” . 7) DON’T MAKE the soldiers into the sole villains. . Yes, soldiers slaughtered unarmed people. “And to find out why the soldiers did such an atrocious thing we do not have to look much beyond those widely publicized photos of military buses in rows being set on fire by those protesting crowds,” wrote Australian diplomat Gregory Clark. . “To date the world seems to have assumed that those buses were fired by the crowds AFTER the soldiers had started shooting. In fact it was the reverse —the crowds attacked the buses as they entered Beijing, incinerating dozens of soldiers inside, and only then did the shooting begin. Here too we do need not go far to find the evidence — in the not publicized photos of soldiers with horrible burns seeking shelter in nearby houses, and reports of charred corpses being strung from overpasses.” . 😎 DON’T SAY that the number of people who lost their lives in Beijing that night was “tens of thousands”. . The “tens of thousands” quote came from Tim Russert, NBC’s Washington bureau chief, in a television interview. No respected source on either side of the discussion agrees with this figure. It was 100s or maybe a couple of thousand at most—still too many people, but a far cry from tens of thousands. . 9) DON’T SAY that anyone who doesn’t uncritically accept the Western popular media version of the event is doing something evil. The truth is important—for the sake of the many dead on all sides. . “A few people may have been killed by random shooting on streets near the square, but all verified eyewitness accounts say that the students who remained in the square when troops arrived were allowed to leave peacefully,” said Jay Mathews, former Beijing bureau chief for the Washington Post, and a critic of Western journalistic coverage. . “Hundreds of people, most of them workers and passersby, did die that night, but in a different place and under different circumstances,” he said. . 10) DO REMEMBER all the victims. . UK Journalist Brendan O’Neill explained why we need to remember all three groups of victims: the students, the soldiers, and the main victims: the workers. . “Where Chinese officials have reduced the brave uprising in Beijing to a mere ‘incident’, western observers have mythologised it as a peaceful student protest in a central square that was cut down by gun-wielding soldiers. . “They have subtly, and unforgivably, written out of history the most numerous protesters of June 1989 and those who suffered the most: the workers in the suburbs of Beijing, miles from Tiananmen Square.” . REMEMBER JUNE 4 So let’s remember the tragedy of Beijing on June 4, 1989. But let’s resist the temptation to turn it into a simple, political China-bashing fairy tale in which good guys (the students) were mercilessly slaughtered by bad guys (the soldiers). Instead, let’s recognize it as what it really was: a societal convulsion in which many people sadly lost their lives: students, workers and soldiers. I will be remembering them on June 4. Feel free to take a moment of silence and join me, wherever you are. . SOURCES AND FURTHER READING: . BOOK: Black Hands of Beijing: Lives of Defiance in China’s Democracy Movement, by George Black and Robin Munro . The Tiananmen Papers, a set of leaked documents that allegedly cover internal Communist Party meetings and reports. . Wikileaks: https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/wikileaks/8555142/Wikileaks-no-bloodshed-inside-Tiananmen-Square-cables-claim.html
Tiananmen Square Massacre – Facts, Fiction and Propaganda
“As far as can be determined from the available evidence, NO ONE DIED that night in Tiananmen Square.” What?! Who would make such a blatant propagandist claim? China’s communist party? Nope. It was Jay Mathews, who was Washington Post’s Beijing Bureau Chief in 1989. He wrote this for Columbia Journalism Review.
Here are a few more examples of what western journalists once said about what happened in Tiananmen Square in June 1989:
CBS NEWS: “We saw no bodies, injured people, ambulances or medical personnel — in short, nothing to even suggest, let alone prove, that a “massacre” had occurred in [Tiananmen Square]” — thus wrote CBS News reporter Richard Roth.
BBC NEWS: “I was one of the foreign journalists who witnessed the events that night. There was no massacre on Tiananmen Square” — BBC reporter, James Miles, wrote in 2009.
NY TIMES: In June 13, 1989, NY Times reporter Nicholas Kristof – who was in Beijing at that time – wrote, “State television has even shown film of students marching peacefully away from the [Tiananmen] square shortly after dawn as proof that they [protesters] were not slaughtered.” In that article, he also debunked an unidentified student protester who had claimed in a sensational article that Chinese soldiers with machine guns simply mowed down peaceful protesters in Tiananmen Square.
REUTERS: Graham Earnshaw was in the Tiananmen Square on the night of June 3. He didn’t leave the square until the morning of June 4th. He wrote in his memoir that the military came, negotiated with the students and made everyone (including himself) leave peacefully; and that nobody died in the square.
But did people die in China? Yes, about 200-300 people died in clashes in various parts of Beijing, around June 4 — and about half of those who died were soldiers and cops.
Tiananmen Massacre or Battle of Beijing?by Eugene Ruyle, Emeritus Professor of Anthropology, California State University, Long Beach, Institute for the Critical Study of Society at the Niebyl-Proctor Marxist Library (Oakland) cuyleruyle@mac.com June 4, 2021 (various versions 1990-2021)
There was no massacre at Tiananmen Square on June 3-4, 1989. What happened at Wounded Knee on December 29, 1890 was a massacre. What happened to Tulsa’s Black Wall Street between May 31 and June 1, 1921, was a massacre. What happened to the people of Jeju Island, Korea in 1948 was a massacre.
What happened in Beijing in 1989 was not a massacre. It was not the military killing unarmed civilians. It was a conflict in which soldiers and police as well as civilians were killed. It was played out on the streets of Beijing, not at Tiananmen Square, which remained non-violent, though tense. It might more appropriately be called the Battle of Beijing. On one side was the legitimate government of China; the other side included counter-revolutionary forces, though not exclusively.
As I understand them, the Tiananmen protests of 1989 occurred in two waves. The first started in late April and involved millions of students and workers protesting at Tiananmen Square in Beijing, a traditional center of protests in China. This first wave was primarily focused on Chinese domestic politics and broke out after the death of Hu Yaobang, a popular reform leader within the Communist Party. There were about seven weeks of peaceful, non-violent demonstrations with millions of people—students, workers, citizens—from all over China participating at different times and in different ways. Hundreds of students and others participated in hunger strikes. There were massive marches, demonstrations, and vigils in Beijing, centering on Tiananmen Square. Martial law was declared on May 20, but the government was unable to enforce it as over a million residents took to the streets in protest and the Army simply refused to act against them. To the best of my knowledge, there was no significant foreign involvement in this first phase. Although CIA agents were no doubt present, it does not appear they were behind the protests to the extent of the 2019 Hong Kong protests.
On May 28, a vote was taken among the protesters on whether to continue the protests. Most wanted to end them and did in fact leave. By the end of May, only about 10,000 students remained at Tiananmen Square, or less than one percent of the earlier demonstrators.
The situation changed on May 30, as some students assembled the 28-foot high “Goddess of Democracy” in the middle of Tiananmen Square. This clearly imitated the Statue of Liberty in the United States. It attracted many students and curious citizens, but it provoked the authorities, who correctly saw it as a sign of foreign intrusion into a domestic issue. There is also evidence of foreign funding for this second phase, and some of the student leaders later said their purpose was to provoke a confrontation that would lead to the overthrow the Communist Party. Most of the demonstrators did not know this and the role of the Communist Party itself had not been an issue in the first wave of protests. The authorities began to prepare for clearing the Square and troops were brought into Beijing for this purpose.
Accounts differ on what happened next, but the violence began on June 2, when three people were killed in an accident involving an army jeep causing widespread protests in Beijing. The violence began in earnest as troops established control of the city on the evening on June 3 and early morning of June 4. Hundreds were killed and thousands injured. None of this happened in Tiananmen Square itself.
In an eyewitness account, Hou Dejian (a popular singer from Taiwan who had defected to the PRC and who was also one of the hunger strikers) tells of his attempts to defuse the situation in the early morning of June 4, and that the protesters in the square had “a machine gun, two semi-automatic rifles, a pistol, and a case of incendiary bombs, which the students had made with beer bottles.” The students were persuaded to surrender their weapons and marched out of the square singing the Internationale in front of the largely unarmed soldiers.
One of the student leaders, Chai Ling, escaped, fled to the U.S. with a scholarship to Princeton, married and now has her own business near Boston, MA. She has been quoted as saying she wanted to provoke bloodshed which would lead to the overthrow of the CPC. She escaped from China through a CIA operation known as Yellowbird, was given a fellowship to Princeton. She later married, started her own business, and lives near Boston.
According to official Chinese sources, nearly 300 people died, including soldiers, students, “lawless ruffians,” “bad elements,” and “people who were killed by mistake.” About 5,000 police officers and soldiers and over 2,000 civilians were wounded. No one was killed in Tiananmen Square and no one was run over by tanks in the Square.
On June 9, Deng Xiaoping, appearing in public for the first time since the protests began, delivered a speech praising the “martyrs” (PLA soldiers who had died). Deng stated that the goal of the movement was to overthrow the Party and the state. “Their goal is to establish a totally Western-dependent bourgeois republic,” Deng said of the protesters. Deng argued that protesters had complained about corruption to cover their real motive, which was to replace the socialist system. He said that “the entire imperialist Western world plans to make all socialist countries discard the socialist road and then bring them under the monopoly of international capital and onto the capitalist road.” (Wikipedia, Tiananmen Square protests of 1989)
In view of the conflicting interpretations and contradictory “eyewitness” accounts, it is difficult to understand what really happened in Beijing from mid-April to mid-June, but talk of a Tiananmen massacre clouds our understanding. In my view, the fact that one the largest popular demonstrations in history continued for six weeks without the Communist Party being able to do anything to stop it until there was clear evidence of foreign involvement tells us a lot about Chinese society and the role of the Communist Party during the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat. SOURCES:
I haven’t done any research on this topic for several years. My own primary source for the above is Crisis at Tiananmen, by Yi Mu and Mark V. Thompson, San Francisco: China Books and Periodicals, 1989. The quote from Hou Dejian is from page 243. Chai Ling is also quoted.
Here are some other worthwhile sources:
CHINA’S TIENANMEN SQUARE: HISTORY CLARIFIES WHAT HAPPENED IN 1989 By Andy McInerney Via Workers World News Service Reprinted from the June 20, 1996 issue of Workers World newspaper http://www.workers.org/ww/tienanmen.html
Why communists defend People’s China From a talk by Richard Becker Dec. 6 to the New York conference on the “Communist Manifesto in the Age of Imperialism.” http://www.workers.org/ww/1999/r_becker0114.php
But there are many more worthwhile and more recent sources which I haven’t had time to utilize, in particular The Great Reversal: The Privatization of China, 1978-1989, by William Hinton. Monthly Review Press. Full text available at: http://www.marx2mao.com/Other/TGR90.html
I have the greatest respect and admiration for Hinton’s work and used Fanshen as a required supplementary text for my Introductory Anthropology classes for many years. Unfortunately, his treatment of post-Mao China is fundamentally flawed. But developing this viewpoint will require much more work. Maybe next year.
Meanwhile, here’s a quote from Hinton’s Preface: “June 4, 1989, stands as a stark watershed in China’s modern history. The slaughter of unarmed civilians by units of the Peoples Liberation Army as they blasted their way to Tiananmen Square illuminated the “reform” era as nothing else could. It lit up, like a bolt of cosmic lightning, the reactionary essence of China’s current leading group.” Hinton’s book is about how Deng went “from the status of admired hero, defiant yet irrepressible victim of the hated gang of four, to that of corrupt autocrat and bloodstained oppressor?”
There was no massacre at Tiananmen Square on June 3-4, 1989. What happened at Wounded Knee on December 29, 1890 was a massacre. What happened to Tulsa’s Black Wall Street between May 31 and June 1, 1921, was a massacre. What happened to the people of Jeju Island, Korea in 1948 was a massacre.
What happened in Beijing in 1989 was not a massacre. It was not the military killing unarmed civilians. It was a conflict in which soldiers and police as well as civilians were killed. It was played out on the streets of Beijing, not at Tiananmen Square, which remained non-violent, though tense. It might more appropriately be called the Battle of Beijing. On one side was the legitimate government of China; the other side included counter-revolutionary forces, though not exclusively.
As I understand them, the Tiananmen protests of 1989 occurred in two waves. The first started in late April and involved millions of students and workers protesting at Tiananmen Square in Beijing, a traditional center of protests in China. This first wave was primarily focused on Chinese domestic politics and broke out after the death of Hu Yaobang, a popular reform leader within the Communist Party. There were about seven weeks of peaceful, non-violent demonstrations with millions of people—students, workers, citizens—from all over China participating at different times and in different ways. Hundreds of students and others participated in hunger strikes. There were massive marches, demonstrations, and vigils in Beijing, centering on Tiananmen Square. Martial law was declared on May 20, but the government was unable to enforce it as over a million residents took to the streets in protest and the Army simply refused to act against them. To the best of my knowledge, there was no significant foreign involvement in this first phase. Although CIA agents were no doubt present, it does not appear they were behind the protests to the extent of the 2019 Hong Kong protests.
On May 28, a vote was taken among the protesters on whether to continue the protests. Most wanted to end them and did in fact leave. By the end of May, only about 10,000 students remained at Tiananmen Square, or less than one percent of the earlier demonstrators.
The situation changed on May 30, as some students assembled the 28-foot high “Goddess of Democracy” in the middle of Tiananmen Square. This clearly imitated the Statue of Liberty in the United States. It attracted many students and curious citizens, but it provoked the authorities, who correctly saw it as a sign of foreign intrusion into a domestic issue. There is also evidence of foreign funding for this second phase, and some of the student leaders later said their purpose was to provoke a confrontation that would lead to the overthrow the Communist Party. Most of the demonstrators did not know this and the role of the Communist Party itself had not been an issue in the first wave of protests. The authorities began to prepare for clearing the Square and troops were brought into Beijing for this purpose.
Accounts differ on what happened next, but the violence began on June 2, when three people were killed in an accident involving an army jeep causing widespread protests in Beijing. The violence began in earnest as troops established control of the city on the evening on June 3 and early morning of June 4. Hundreds were killed and thousands injured. None of this happened in Tiananmen Square itself.
In an eyewitness account, Hou Dejian (a popular singer from Taiwan who had defected to the PRC and who was also one of the hunger strikers) tells of his attempts to defuse the situation in the early morning of June 4, and that the protesters in the square had “a machine gun, two semi-automatic rifles, a pistol, and a case of incendiary bombs, which the students had made with beer bottles.” The students were persuaded to surrender their weapons and marched out of the square singing the Internationale in front of the largely unarmed soldiers.
One of the student leaders, Chai Ling, escaped, fled to the U.S. with a scholarship to Princeton, married and now has her own business near Boston, MA. She has been quoted as saying she wanted to provoke bloodshed which would lead to the overthrow of the CPC. She escaped from China through a CIA operation known as Yellowbird, was given a fellowship to Princeton. She later married, started her own business, and lives near Boston.
According to official Chinese sources, nearly 300 people died, including soldiers, students, “lawless ruffians,” “bad elements,” and “people who were killed by mistake.” About 5,000 police officers and soldiers and over 2,000 civilians were wounded. No one was killed in Tiananmen Square and no one was run over by tanks in the Square.
On June 9, Deng Xiaoping, appearing in public for the first time since the protests began, delivered a speech praising the “martyrs” (PLA soldiers who had died). Deng stated that the goal of the movement was to overthrow the Party and the state. “Their goal is to establish a totally Western-dependent bourgeois republic,” Deng said of the protesters. Deng argued that protesters had complained about corruption to cover their real motive, which was to replace the socialist system. He said that “the entire imperialist Western world plans to make all socialist countries discard the socialist road and then bring them under the monopoly of international capital and onto the capitalist road.” (Wikipedia, Tiananmen Square protests of 1989)
In view of the conflicting interpretations and contradictory “eyewitness” accounts, it is difficult to understand what really happened in Beijing from mid-April to mid-June, but talk of a Tiananmen massacre clouds our understanding. In my view, the fact that one the largest popular demonstrations in history continued for six weeks without the Communist Party being able to do anything to stop it until there was clear evidence of foreign involvement tells us a lot about Chinese society and the role of the Communist Party during the period of the dictatorship of the proletariat.
#
SOURCES:
I haven’t done any research on this topic for several years. My own primary source for the above is Crisis at Tiananmen, by Yi Mu and Mark V. Thompson, San Francisco: China Books and Periodicals, 1989. The quote from Hou Dejian is from page 243. Chai Ling is also quoted.
Here are some other worthwhile sources:
CHINA’S TIENANMEN SQUARE: HISTORY CLARIFIES WHAT HAPPENED IN 1989 By Andy McInerney Via Workers World News Service Reprinted from the June 20, 1996 issue of Workers World newspaper http://www.workers.org/ww/tienanmen.html
Why communists defend People’s China From a talk by Richard Becker Dec. 6 to the New York conference on the “Communist Manifesto in the Age of Imperialism.” http://www.workers.org/ww/1999/r_becker0114.php
But there are many more worthwhile and more recent sources which I haven’t had time to utilize, in particular The Great Reversal: The Privatization of China, 1978-1989, by William Hinton. Monthly Review Press. Full text available at: http://www.marx2mao.com/Other/TGR90.html
I have the greatest respect and admiration for Hinton’s work and used Fanshen as a required supplementary text for my Introductory Anthropology classes for many years. Unfortunately, his treatment of post-Mao China is fundamentally flawed. But developing this viewpoint will require much more work. Maybe next year.
Meanwhile, here’s a quote from Hinton’s Preface: “June 4, 1989, stands as a stark watershed in China’s modern history. The slaughter of unarmed civilians by units of the Peoples Liberation Army as they blasted their way to Tiananmen Square illuminated the “reform” era as nothing else could. It lit up, like a bolt of cosmic lightning, the reactionary essence of China’s current leading group.” Hinton’s book is about how Deng went “from the status of admired hero, defiant yet irrepressible victim of the hated gang of four, to that of corrupt autocrat and bloodstained oppressor?”
AngloSaxon fantasy: 6 billions people to serve AngloSaxon Country Club’s 1 billion members. 西人狂想曲: 全球60億人口替西人鄉村俱樂部的10億會員服務. The rise of China has completely destroyed AngloSaxon fantasy. 中國掘起毀了西人鄕村俱樂部的春秋大夢. People of Colors resided inside the AngloSaxon country club countries are granted 2rd or 3rd class membership status, also known as 2nd or 3rd class citizenships. 居住在西人鄉村俱樂部國家內的有色人種被授予二等或三等會員身份, 也稱為二等或三等公民. AngloSaxon country club members are very upset trying to use the same tactics in the past successfully brought Germany, USSR and Japan to their knees, but failed. 白人鄉村俱樂部成員很不高興, 試圖用過去同樣的戰術成功地讓德國, 蘇聯和日本屈服, 但失敗了.
Pseudo-court on Xinjiang ‘a farce’ by Liu Xin Jun 04 2021
Filled with one-sided voices and fabricated stories of so-called “victims” that are hard to verify, the latest farce that tries to label China for committing “genocide” in its Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region – the “Uyghur Tribunal” – began its “hearing” in London on Friday. Being neither a legitimate legal body nor having the authority to review “genocide” accusations against a country, the “tribunal” only exposes the malicious purpose of anti-China forces behind the event, analysts said.
Qelbinur Sidik, the first so-called victim from China’s Xinjiang, sat in front of a number of “counsels” and “experts,” telling her stories of being a “teacher” in the re-education center and “witnessing” almost all “crimes” that seem to fit the malicious imaginations of the West to the training centers in Xinjiang, from torturing to forced sterilization–and, of course, death.
With pictures of satellite images of “re-education” centers waiting for her to display and tissues putting ahead of Qelbinur’s “touching” narration, reasonable people will question “If people are strictly oppressed in the centers as Qelbinur claimed, how could she see all the torturing?”
Omir Bekali, another “victim,” brought a chain to the “hearing” and said [through translation] that it was the chain that was used on him in Xinjiang for seven months. But later after the chair questioned how he got the chain, Omir said he bought it online.
Like Qelbinur and Omir, many “victims” came to the Friday “tribunal” with their stories full of loopholes and contradictions. At a press conference on May 25, the Xinjiang regional government exposed the lies of these “victims.”
Established in September 2020 in the UK upon request of the World Uyghur Congress (WUC), a US-funded secessionist network, the “Uyghur Tribunal” is a “pseudo” one that follows the presumption of guilt and serves anti-China forces’ smears on Xinjiang, analysts said.
The “tribunal” is not a legitimate legal body nor does it have the right to review “genocide” accusations, Zhu Ying, deputy director of the National Human Rights Education and Training Base of Southwest University of Political Science and Law, told the Global Times.
As the most serious crime, genocide is a well-defined term under the UN Genocide Convention, international laws and related cases, and the most respected international tribunals have agreed that proof of the crime of genocide depends on an extremely convincing presentation of factual evidence.
After the Convention was established in 1948, main cases on genocide were judged by an international court established under the Convention or special court authorized by the UN Security Council, Zhu said.
“No judge or credible lawyer who cherish their reputations would be engaged in such a farce aimed at political hype,” Zhu said.
Geoffrey Nice, an anti-China British barrister, is the founder and chair of the tribunal. The Global Times also found out that the main members of the fake tribunal have working experience on the “China Tribunal,” which was commissioned by the International Coalition to End Transplant Abuse in China (ETAC). The ETAC is connected to Falun Gong, a cult banned by the Chinese government.
Zhu said that these anti-China groups are playing the tactics in processing some certain case under Anglo-American law system-setting a simulated trial to collect cases and testimonies, drawing public attention using various means, including shooting films or documentaries and pressing the official court to take part and make a final judgment.
Graham Perry, a British solicitor and international arbitrator, called the “tribunal” an anti-China event and people behind it want to convict China of the charge of genocide without even reviewing evidence.
Perry said that evidence is key to genocide cases. However, most of the evidence presented were from the WUC and Adrian Zenz, an uncredited and right-wing individual. Organizations that have supported Zenz have encouraged these independent testimonies.
There is no genocide, no forced labor and no sterilization in Xinjiang. The current “genocide” accusation on Xinjiang is about geopolitics played by white countries, the US and the West in particular, the British lawyer said.
“Despite the satellites flying overhead, they’ve got no evidence from Xinjiang… without a murder, without deaths, without crematoriums, without executions, without refugees, without a stream of people running away from Xinjiang seeking safety outside… they call this genocide?” Perry said.
He noted the previous legal opinion given by the Essex Court Chambers, which said China committed “genocide” in Xinjiang. “The evidence they offered is very poor” but Prime Minister Boris Johnson need it as a lever with China.
Johnson wants more of China – he wants more trade as he has pulled Britain out of the European Union and he is having trouble making a trade deal with America. Boris welcomes the opportunity of closer economic relations with China. But at the same time, he is being urged to stand up to China, it is said on the Uygur issue, Perry said.
Zhu said that the British government has taken a prudent and blurry attitude toward the “tribunal.” “When people from China criticize it for supporting an anti-China farce and undermining China-UK ties, it could shift responsibility to NGOs or individuals. But it is turning a blind eye to law violators.”
China has reportedly replaced Germany as the UK’s biggest single import market for the first time. Goods from China to the UK increased by 66% since the start of 2018 to £6.9 billion ($23.8 billion)in the first quarter of 2021, the Guardian reported.
The tribunal does not meet the criteria for a non-governmental organization either, as it does not conform to the UK’s Charities Act 2011. It claims to work for Uygurs amid the “Chinese governments’ violence,” but the goal is not based on verified facts, and the tribunal has no clear regulatory articles or trusteeship council. Those conditions prove the tribunal has no legal validity.
香港慶祝美國六四顏色革命顛覆活動失敗 Hong Kong Celebrates China’s successfully put down US’s NED/CIA color revolution subversive activities at Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989 in the name of fake freedom, democracy and human rights. https://vimeo.com/558642345 https://vimeo.com/557806591 美國加州舊金山世界日報, World Journal Newspaper San Francisco, June 4, 2021
Why CPC strong leadership key to leading China over crucial test, en route to rejuvenation through 100 years by Yang Sheng, Chen Qingqing and Cao Siqi Jun 03 2021
A visitor looks at statues of earlier generations of revolutionaries at the site of the First National Congress of the CPC in Shanghai on Thursday when restoration at the site finished and it is reopened to the public as a museum.
Editor’s Note:
With the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China (CPC) less than a month away, the Global Times will publish a series of reports to decode why the CPC is the destined choice for the Chinese people, why it can rise above challenges and tests in a century, and what is its secret code to success in governing such a vast country and implementing effective economic policies that have created an economic miracle for China and the world.
The current series will be divided into two parts to explore how the CPC withstood storm after storm and overcame crisis after crisis and how firm leadership becomes the key to the CPC’s success. This is the first part of the current series, which focuses on how the CPC has overcome serious challenges and gone through tests one by one in the history. The second part, which will be published on Saturday, will start from the internal and external challenges the Party was faced with in the 1980s.
People take photos in front of the site of the First National Congress of the CPC in Shanghai on April 23, 2021.
The Communist Party of China (CPC) and the Chinese people are gearing up for grand celebrations for the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Party on July 1 – a truly remarkable milestone for the CPC and the over 1.4 billion Chinese people.
Around the world, political parties with more than 100 years’ history are not rare, but almost none could claim the achievements the CPC has made. Through a series of crucial tests and crises, the CPC has emerged even stronger and more confident, leading a torn-apart, poverty-stricken nation out of its darkest moments to a world-leading power today en route for a great national rejuvenation.
In the past 100 years, the CPC experienced several “darkest hours” in its centurial journey, including the Kuomintang (KMT)’s massacre of CPC members in the 1920s, the setback caused by the Cultural Revolution from the 1960s to 1970s, and the impact of Western ideology in the late 1980s.
Today, experts and scholars are trying to find out what is the key for the Party to overcome those challenges through wise decision-making and self-correction, to prevent a collapse and failure like other communist parties in some former socialist countries, and make China a powerful, successful and confident country that makes the West, which used to have unshakable confidence and supremacy, more and more anxious.
Before the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, also called the era of revolution, the CPC also experienced serious crises such as the April 12 Counter-revolutionary Coup (also known as the Shanghai massacre) in 1927 when the KMT regime killed thousands of CPC members, and the failure of the campaign against “encirclement and suppression” launched by the KMT regime in 1933. In these “darkest hours,” the CPC almost lost more than half of its strength and even risked almost being completely destroyed by the KMT regime.
Before the Zunyi Conference in 1935 which confirmed Mao Zedong’s military leadership of the Red Army, the Party didn’t have a strong leadership core, and the revolution suffered setbacks and tragedies. The Zunyi Conference brought a changeover for the CPC, and overturned the failing tendency.
This proved that the Party leadership with a strong core is essential to ensure the victory and prevent failure, said experts.
Analysts and scholars of Party history said that there are some key similarities or lessons that could be highlighted from these crises – some leaders or elites of the Party held wishful thinking and compromised their stance toward the enemies of the Party and the Chinese people; they blindly attached too much hope on the experiences and thoughts from other countries, and heavily relied on foreign advisors without self-developed ideas based on China’s unique national conditions; and the decision-making board was not united and leaders shared no consensus on the path of the revolution and made wrong judgments on China’s national condition.
These problems also occurred from time to time after 1949, and adding the huge external threats and complicated relations with the super powers during and after the Cold War, these problems have also brought some extreme difficulties and risks to the country and the Party after the PRC was established. “How did the CPC go through these ‘darkest hours’ and overcome the extreme challenges?” By answering this question, it can allow the foreigners interested in China and some Westerners who failed to understand the CPC decision-making and could not explain China’s development to learn a better way to deal with China and the CPC today, said Chinese experts, adding that this will also help people understand how and why the CPC will handle the challenges in the future.
According to experts on Party history and Chinese politics reached by the Global Times, there is one key reason why the CPC can always overcome those crises and find the correct direction of the path – the Party can always find its proper and strong core leadership to ensure the victories against the enemies and realize self-correction.
The Red Boat on South Lake in Jiaxing, East China’s Zhejiang Province where the first National Congress of the CPC was concluded after the discussions in Shanghai was interrupted.
Fighting for autonomy
The first major life-and-death moment for the CPC after 1949 was the Cultural Revolution between 1966 and 1976. This incident caused the Party, China and people to suffer the most serious setbacks and losses since the founding of the PRC, and the economy was on the verge of collapse, said Luo Pinghan, a professor at the Party School of the Central Committee of CPC.
Apart from the internal chaos and difficulties, China was also facing serious external threats from both Soviet Union and the US. According to leaked documents from the Pentagon, in 1958, amid the second Taiwan Straits crisis, the US had planned to launch nuclear strikes against almost every major city in China to not only destroy the military and industrial targets but also to eliminate the Chinese population.
At the same time, the Sino-Soviet split also caused the relationship between China and the Soviet Union to intensify, and both sides even had a military conflict at the border in 1969. After the conflict, the Soviet Union also planned to launch nuclear strikes against China’s major military bases and cities, including the capital city Beijing, according to historical references.
Due to tensions with both the US and Soviet Union, not just being threatened militarily, China’s development faced huge difficulties due to the sanctions and pressure from both superpowers.
To ensure the security and autonomy of China under such a severe situation, the first generation of CPC leaders with Mao as the core had to be tough when dealing with the US and Soviet Union, said Jin Canrong, associate dean of the School of International Studies at the Renmin University of China.
“In this period, the most important mission for the CPC was to ensure the survival of the PRC, so from the 1950s to 1970s, China was assertive and determined to defend its hard-won independence and autonomy. The CPC needed to prevent the PRC from being controlled or bullied by others at all cost,” Jin said.
Thanks to the success in developing China’s own nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles in the 1960s, also known as the “Two Bombs, One Satellite” project, as well as the flexible decision-making and diplomatic efforts, and by leveraging the struggle between the US and Soviet Union, China successfully avoided and deterred a nuclear war with the two superpowers amid the Cold War, said experts.
” The ‘Three World Theory’ proposed by Mao proved to be relevant. As the core of the CPC and China’s leader at that time, Mao wisely used the confrontation between the US and Soviet Union to expand China’s influence and popularity in the third world,” Yang Xuedong, a professor of political science at Tsinghua University, told the Global Times.
After a series of diplomatic, political and military efforts, the PRC was recognized as “the only legitimate representative of China to the UN” in 1971 and also achieved the goal of normalization of China-US ties in 1972. Some analysts said the CPC is really good at seeking opportunity from the crisis, and even turn the crisis into an opportunity.
People look at a statue called “winning bugle” in Jinggangshan, the “cradle of the Chinese revolution,” in East China’s Jiangxi Province on April 23.
Inheritance and self-correction
While the danger of war with superpowers was avoided, China’s international influence was growing and in the field of strategic nuclear power, China achieved significant goals, but the internal problem of the Cultural Revolution still remained.
In 1976, the victory in smashing the “Gang of Four” lifted the Party and the country from the crisis, but the political, ideological, organizational, and economic chaos left over from the Cultural Revolution was still very dire, and it was not easy to get rid of such a predicament and start anew, Luo said.
In 1978, the Party led and supported discussion about “Practice is the sole criterion for testing the truth,” which was of great significance in bringing the country out of the chaos. The 3rd Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CPC fundamentally broke the binding shackles of the problems of left-leaning theories, corrected the Party’s guiding ideology, re-established the Marxist ideological, political, and organizational line, and eventually realized the Party’s successes since the founding of the PRC.
“This was a great turning point with far-reaching significance in history.” The Party earnestly corrected major historical wrongs, adopted a series of measures to rectify unjust and erroneous acts, and implemented various policies conducive to strengthening unity, mobilizing all positive elements, Luo noted.
In the transition period between the first generation of CPC leaders with Mao at its core and the second generation with Deng Xiaoping at the center, the CPC has avoided huge internal turbulence like what happened in the Soviet Union after former Soviet leader Joseph Stalin’s death as Nikita Khrushchev denied the contributions Stalin made to the Soviet Union.
The second generation of leadership inherited the first generation’s achievements and corrected its errors, rather than making no change, or replacing everything, and this remains the key reason why the CPC still exists and leads China in its march forward, while the Communist Party of the Soviet Union collapsed, said some observers.
The 6th Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee in 1981 passed the “Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of our Party since the Founding of the PRC”, which fundamentally denied the Cultural Revolution and its relevant ideals, but the resolution also successfully sought not to deny Mao and Mao Zedong Thought, and confirmed the guiding role of Mao Zedong Thought for the CPC.
“With the changes inside and outside China, it’s increasingly evident that the second generation of the CPC leadership with Deng at its core has political courage and foresight by implementing such correct and significant decisions,” Luo said.